Anodos. Studies of the Ancient World 4/2004, 133-147. Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou Keywords: Greece, Amphipolis, Arms and Armour, Classical, Hellenistic. Abstract: This is a preliminary consideration of arms and armour from Amphipolis with a commentary upon the military iconography in varied media from the area. The pieces under discussion, inds from excavated contexts and stray inds, date from the Iron Age to the Roman era and are in their majority unpublished. Emphasis is given to links with military activity recorded in the area and toissues of symbolism. This paper concerns inds from varied stratiied contexts of Amphipolis (walls, bridge, gymnasium, houses and cemeteries) and individual acquisitions of the museum. The later form 20% of the total volume of war-related stray inds. The data are considered vis-a-vis the literary, epigraphic and archaeological record of military activity in the area. Amphipolis’ military importance through the ages emanated from the economic, political and strategic beneits of its location. Its advantageous geomorphology, in particular her enclosure by the river Strymon, ensured its defense as well as commerce between the sea and the Thracian – Macedonian inland. Its integration in a road network joining areas of diverse ethnic composition and natural resources gave use to economic and political claims by various powers over the region. The main poles of economic interest were the timber of northern woodlands and the metalliferous Pangaean district. Politically, the occupation of the area prompted competitive expansive plans; westwards for the Persian empire, eastwards for the Macedonian kingdom and the Chalcidian League and northwards for the major powers of Athens and Sparta (Fig. 1)1. Military activity in the area prior to the foundation of the city in 437 BC2 can be traced north-northeast in the area of Ennea Hodoi, southeast at Eion and southwest in the classical cemetery of Argilos (site Kallithea, property of Chalkias). The toponymic Ennea Hodoi or Anadraimos3, formerly identiied with Hill 133 or Amphipolis’ northern wall, has been recently reatributed to the broader inhabited area N-NE of the site4. The iron swords 1187a and b (65 and 1.03 cm. in length respectively, Fig. 2) from tombs D and E of Kastas cemetery were part of the equipment used by the inhabitants of the Iron Age setlement on Hill 133.5 Both are cut-and-thrust swords of Naue II type with a double-edged blade of slightly elliptical section and uniform width (1187b) or a slight widening at 2/3 down the length (1187a). The langed hilts, straight (1187b) or tongue-shaped 1 2 3 4 5 We are grateful to Dr. A. W. Johnston of University College London for his advise numerous topics addressed n this paper and for correcting the drat, to Mr. P. Connoly for his helpful comments upon several pieces, to Prof. J. Bouzek for his invaluable remarks on sling bullets and last but not least to Prof. R.R.R. Smith of Oxford University for his kind contribution in the dating of L119 and L537. On the archaeology, topography and history of Amphipolis, Lazaridis 1997; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 2002, 57-73; Lazaridis 1986, 353-64 (account of the excavations from 1956 to 1985), Lorber 1990, 1-11, Lazaridis 1972, 1-56, MNG, 57-9; Maniatis et al (in press) with full bibliography). See also Hammond and Griith 1979, 230-7 (they conclude against any claims by Macedon, Athens and the Chalcidian league over the region in the fourth century), 351-6. Thucydides IV.102.1; Lorber 1990, 2; Lazaridis 1997, 15; Lazaridis 1986, 354; Lazaridis 1972, 1-2, 13; Bengtson 1991, 186 (Pericles’ policy; Amphipolis was not a clerouchy though). Herodotus VII, 114; Thucydides I, 100. For Anadraimos Lorber 1990, 1, footnote 2; Malamidou 2005. Maniatis et al. (in press); Malamidou (in press) with further bibliography. Kastas cemetery Lazaridis in PAE 1977, 39-42 and 1978, 51-3; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1993, 682-4. 133 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou (1187a), preserve traces of bronze nails for the atachment of organic plates.6 The slightly bent blade of 1187b, if not resulting from use, relects the symbolic “killing” of weapons, i.e. the termination of any practical use through deformation7. 1187a is both in terms of typology and date close to the sword 5250 from Vitsa cemetery (800-775 BC) and the sword of pyra XIV from Halos, though the blade’s proile bears features of a sword from Perachora (ater 750 BC)8. 1187b with a straight hilt is closest to the Ib category of Vitsa; its length, which exceeds the maximum norm for swords of this type, is of interest9. No arms have been found in the area that can be securely connected with later military events, such as those of the late archaid-early classical colonial expeditions or the clash of Alexanderś I army with the Persians in 479 BC.10 Yet, a late archaic burial near Hill 133 including an iron spear head (Fig. 3) ofers a hint; its proximity to the route towards Myrkinos and the Ionian-Greek character of the oferings could relect one of the ill-fated Milesian or Athenian penetrations in the Edonian area11. Fig. 1. Map of the Amphipolis’ area with the modern road network. In smaller scale, map of the Greek mainland and the islands. Note: All photos have been taken and all maps have been drawn by the authors unless otherwise stated. 6 7 8 9 10 11 The type Snodgrass 1999, 37; 1964, 93-8, 106-9, Type I; Everson 2004, 64, 125. Snodgrass 1999, 37. An example is the sword from pyra V in Halos (Wace and Thomson 1911/12, ig. 15: 1). Wace and Thomson 1911/12, 25-7, ig. 15: 2 (Halos); Vokotopoulou 1986, 291-2, ig. 85e (Vitsa); Snodgrass 1964, 95-6, ig. 5g (Perachora). Vokotopoulou 1986, 294, ig. 85 c, d (last quarter of the 7th century BC); Everson 2004, 64 (max. 90 cm). Alexander I versus Persians, Romiopoulou and Touratsoglou 2002, 27; Lorber 1990, 1. On batles during colonial atempts, Herodotus V. 124 and Thucydides IV. 102 (Ionians killed by Edoni in 497 BC), Thucydides I. 100.3, IV. 102.3 (Athenian atempts). Lorber correctly argues that only Athenian soldiers were killed at Draveskos in 465/4 BC and not the whole force of 10.000 colonists (Lorber 1990, 2). Malamidou 2005 (in press). 134 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city Regarding Eion, conlicts in the late archaic period are suggested by a Parian epigram (c. 520-490 BC, Fig. 4) which honors a deceased Thracian named Tokes for defending the city. A consideration of its military context, particularly of the opponent parties, has to take into account three local conditions: a) the hostilities between Parians and Thracians in the lower Strymon area as noted by Callimachus; b) the contrary numismatic and epigraphic evidence for Parian inluence on and collaboration with Thracian tribes, and c) the presence of Persians in the area since 513 BC. Under this scope a clash of Thracians and Parian colonists with either other Thracian tribes or with the Persians before their occupation of Eion seems more than plausible12. Bronze arrowheads from the classical cemetery of Argilos by the ancient road may aford traces of a later Persian presence in the area (Fig. 5, Site Kallithea, Chalkia property; early 5th - third quarter of the 5th century BC; nos. D6, D8, D9, 3/3/03, 16, 17, 25 and 16 mm. respectively, Fig. 6, 7). The majority has three-sided, barbed blades, hollow for insertion of the shat. Two points must be considered for their possible historical placement: i) their physical characteristics link them with the Persian forces of Xerxes at Thermopylae and the siege of the Acropolis and ii) the same troops used the ancient road by the cemetery of Argilos on their way towards the Chalkidike13. For convenience the arms from the site of Amphipolis itself are hereater discussed by category. The majority of inds are lead sling bullets and bronze arrow heads of types well atested in most Greek sites. The sling bullets (μολυβδίδες, μολύβδαιναι) are of the common almond-shaped form, rarely of biconical proile, with an average weight of 30 gr. and an estimated range of approximately 300-400 metres14; only one piece weights c. 50 gr. and is securely Fig. 2. Swords 1187a, 1187b. Kastas cemetery. Tombs D and E. atributed to the presence of missile troops in the Roman era15. Frequent legends on one or both sides are variations of the ethnic (ΑΜΦ and ΑΜ/ΦΙ, Fig. 8 side a), which irst appears as a legend on silver and bronze coins of Amphipolis (circa 420-354/3 BC)16. Apart Fig. 3. Iron spear head. Late archaic period. from denoting the origin of σφενδονήτaι, the ethnic could also refer to the city as source or owner of the equipment17. A torch (Fig. 9) depicted on numerous sling bullets is a visual representation and substitute of the ethnic. It clearly derives from the local cult of Artemis Tauropolos, but also alludes Fig. 4. “Parian” Epigram, 520-490 B.C. to the bellicose hunting eiciency of Artemis/ 12 13 14 15 16 17 Callimachus frag. 24, Herodotus VII. 25, 107, 113; Romiopoulou and Touratsoglou 2002, 26; Lorber 1990, 1, 10; Malamidou (in press); Lazaridis in AE 1976, 164-81; 1972, 31, Maniatis et al. (in press). For the type see Olynthus X: Type G cf. nos. 2121, 2117 (for D6), 2120, 2130 (for D8), 2099 (for D9), 2117 (for 3/3/03); Robinson names the type Thraco-Macedonian within a fourth century context. See also Η πόλις κάτω από την πόλη, Ευρήματα από τις ανασκαφές του Μητροπολιτικού Σιδηροδρόμου Αθηνών, Ίδρυμα Ν. Π. Γουλανδρή, Μουσείο Κυκλαδικής Τέχνης, Β έκδοση, Αθήνα 2003, no. 392, p. 358 (Tomb 170, 430-420 B.C.; only those with no distinct shat); Walters 1899, 347, ig. 80G; Miller 1977, pl. 5, BR53; Comstock and Vermeule 1971, nos. 599, 600. For the Scythian type of arrowhead and Persian troops see Snodgrass 1999, 99-100; Snodgrass 1964, 148-54 (Type 3); Lazaridis 1972, 48; Herodotus VII, 114. For physical characteristics and range see Foster 1978, 13; AM 1988, 228; Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou 1997, 252-3; Everson 2004, 167; Olynthus X, 418-9; Snodgrass 1999, 84. Papakonstantinou-Diamantourou 1997, cf. D118, ig. 3, p. 256 with further bibliography. SNG Cop., Vol. II, Pl.1; Lorber 1990, AR tetrobols and obols p. 152-6, (57-63 end of coinage). Compare the case of arrowheads and sling bullets bearing the badges of cities or rulers Everson 2004, 167; AM 1988, no. 156; Foster 1978, no. 301. 135 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou Bendis18. Other legends refer to neighbouring cities, whose population was annexed by Amphipolis, like TΡΑΙΛ (Tragilos) (Fig. 10), or to personal names, such as ΠΑΙ[.]ΛΙΔΑ[.], ΜΙΚΙ/ΝΑΣ, ΚΛΕΟΒ/ΟΥΛΟΥ (Fig. 11, 12). The last name, known from inscribed sling bullets unearthed at Torone and Olynthus, is considered to witness a general of Philip’s II army in post during the sieges of those cities in 348 B.C. If the same legend on bullets from Amphipolis applies to the same oicer, they are evidence of Philip’s siege of Amphipolis in 357 BC.19 Sling bullets bearing the legend ΜΕΡ/ΝΑ (Fig. 13) have two Olynthian parallels of the same date20. The retrograde script atested on numerous sling bullets is clearly the outcome of casting in moulds with orthograde legends engraved. Whether this efect was deliberate or accidental is a mater of further consideration. If the irst case stands, an analogy could be drawn from the anachronistic writing styles on curse tablets and the incentives behind such a practise. The power that emanated from the “mystic” archaism of past scripts escalated the vivifying power of words. Words did not simply refer to humans or future actions; they viviied them21. Under this scope, the nature of those legends with messages addressed to the enemy can be viewed as something more than merely humoristic22. Ethnic or personal badges and their bearers could embody the individuals or cities themselves as if they had delivered the strike in close combat. The irony in the re-use of sling bullets by the targeted enemy against the initial users is evident and needs no further mention. A few sling bullets have been found in stratiied contexts. No. 4172 was found in the Eastern Cemetery23 (Section B, Tomb 52) (Fig. 14, no. 5) together with a black glazed skyphos of Atic A type and a red-igured squat lekythos of the late 5th - early 4th century BC. It could place the buried among the Athenians who fought against the Spartans in 422 BC or those who repeatedly tried to recapture the city in the early fourth century24. Another sling bullet from the west section of the north wall (site Parages, fourth-third century BC, Fig. 14, no. 1) preserves intelligible traces of leters. It cannot be placed in a particular military context, since the atacks against the city mainly by the Athenians (in 374, 370, 363 and 360/59 BC) and Philip II were numerous.25 Fig. 5. The ancient road by the cemetery of Argilos. 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Cult of Artemis Tauropolos and Artemis/Bendis Lorber 1990, 10; Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1981, 229-41; Lazaridis 1972, 44; Hatzopoulos 1996, 53 (footnote 2), 135, 150, 262 (footnote 4), 442 (dedications). On Philip’ siege of the city, Hammond and Griith 1979, 237; Lazaridis 1972, 15; Lorber 1990, 6. Sling bullets from Torone and Olynthus, AM 1988, no. 171; Olynthus X, nos. 2202-2216. Olynthus X, nos. 2217, 2218, p. 429 (suggesting a personal name or toponymic abbreviation). On curse tablets and style of writing Gager 1992, 5; Farraone and Obbink 1991, 7-8. Olynthus X, 421 with further bibliography; Foster 1978, 13. On the Eastern cemetery: Malamidou 2002 (in press); Malama 2002, 55-70; Malama 2003, 111-26 (archaeological report); Malama and Triantafyllou 2003, 127-36 (anthropological study). On the batle between Athenians and Spartans in 422 BC, Thucydides V, 6-11; Snodgrass 1999: 105; Montagu 2000, 70; Anderson 1970, 80-1, 90; Hanson 1991, 168 (note 142). On Athenian atacks see note 25. An outline of atacks, Lorber 1990, 3-6; Lazaridis 1972, 12-5; Hammond and Griith 1979, 231, 233. 136 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city Arrowheads of varied types have been located at the north wall (west section, site Parages), the Gymnasium, a building complex (Kyprianidou property) and the Eastern cemetery26 (Fig. 14, nos. 1, 4, 2 and 5 respectively). The complementary evidence of hundreds of stray inds betrays a signiicant presence of archers in Amphipolis from the late ith century BC onwards. This is of no surprise if one considers the general rise in the use of light-armed troops at a PanHellenic level following the Persian Wars26. With regard to local conditions, the arrow-heads, as is the case with the sling bullets, conform to the intense military activity, particularly in the fourth century, sketched out above. With the exception of arrowheads found at the north wall (west section, Gates C and B, Site Parages), the others are not necessarily indicate violent events. Those from an excavated building complex (Kyprianidou property) may relect military forces within the city as either permanent garrisons or occasionally encamped corps under exceptional circumstances27. Some of the arrowheads from the Gymnasium may also be connected with the training of ephebes in archery (τοξευειν). In the ephebarchical law of 24/3 BC archery is included in the sports under instruction. Considering the increasing status archery achieved from the 5th century and the atested training of Athenians in it henceforth, its early incorporation in the local athletic programme cannot be excluded28. The following types of arrowheads are found in the available material for study from contexts of the ith to third centuries BC; all are bronze, the category I excluded (of iron): i) four-sided blade; preserved the beginning of the solid cylindrical tang for insertion into the shat (building complex: Kyprianidou property, Section XI late 4th - early 3rd century BC, D56, l. 4,6cm., Fig.15)29; ii) trilobate blade and short, hollow socket of circular section (Gate C of the north wall: Site Parages, Section V 4th - 3rd century, l. 2,7 cm, Fig. 16; building complex, Section X, 4th century BC, Site Kyprianidou, D23, l. 3,4 cm., Fig. 17)30; iii) blade of small size and triangular section (Eastern Cemetery, Tomb 87 late ith-irst half of fourth century B.C., no. 4270, l. 1,5 cm., Fig. 18; Gymnasium no. 3395, l. 1,9 cm.)31; iv) double-edged blade of leaf-shaped form with solid tang of circular section (west section of the north wall: Site Parages, Section VII 4th-3rd century, l. 8,6 cm., Fig. 19)32; Fig. 6. Bronze arrowhead, D8, cemetery of Argilos, site Kallithea. 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 Fig. 7. Bronze arrowhead, cemetery of Argilos, site Kallithea. Everson 2004, 167; Snodgrass 1999, 89, 98-9; Hammond and Griith 1979, 429. On the garrisons of Perdiccas III and Philip II and the concentration of forces within the city in 422, under Philip II and in 168 BC; Hammond and Griith 1979, 233-4; Lorber 1990, 5; Lazaridis 1972, 2, 15, 17; Hatzopoulos 1996, 178 (Philip). Malamidou 1999, 11; Hatzopoulos 1996, 182 (footnote 2, date of the law), 209 (footnote 1, social status of ephebes); Snodgrass 1999, 98 (Athenian training). Richter 1915, Type IIIa, cf. nos. 1499-1501 (from Cyprus) ; Olynthus X, Type E (4th century BC), cf. nos. 2010, 2013?, Miller 1977, pl. 5 IL97 IL99, pl. 6 IL66, pl. 7 IL70 IL77 (Nemea). Olynthus X, Type F (397-8 discussion and bibliography); Comstock and Vermeule 1971, cf. no. 596 (from Assos); Walters 1899, Type F (p. 347); Broneer 1935, Type I, p. 114, ig. 4. Snodgrass 1964, Types 3B5, 3C2-3, ig. 10, p. 152-4; Olynthus X, Type G, cf. nos. 2103, 2113, 2117. Olynthus X, Type D (p. 383-4 with further bibliography); Richter 1915, Type IIIb, cf. nos. 1502-1505; Snodgrass 1964, Type Ib4 ig. 9, p. 146-7. 137 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou v) variation of III with straight sides and barbs at the base of the blade; tang of square section (Gymnasium, nos. 3396, 3392 (Fig. 20), 3397, max. l. 9,5 cm.)33. Other types atested among stray inds are double-edged and three-edged blades with cylindrical hollow shats and atached spurs34. Fig. 8. Lead sling bullet, chance ind, side a, legend AM. Fig. 9. Lead sling bullet, chance ind, symbol torch. Fig. 10. Lead sling bullet, chance ind, legend ΤΡΑΙΛ. Fig. 11. Lead sling bullet, chance ind, side a, legend ΚΛΕΟΒ. Fig. 12. Lead sling bullet, chance ind, side b, legend ΟΥΛΟΥ. 33 34 Fig. 13. Lead sling bullets, chance inds, side a, legend ΜΕΡ. Snodgrass 1964, Type Ic, ig. 9, p. 147-8; Walters 1899, Type D, ig. 80; Richter 1915, Type IV, nos. 1510-1512; Olynthus X, Type D1, cf. nos. 1949, 1960 (387-8 with further bibliography). Comstock and Vermeule 1971, cf. no. 595 (near Athens); Walters 1899, Type H, ig. 80; Miller 1977, cf. pl. 6, BR221, pl. 7 BR77 (Nemea); Broneer 1933, ig. 13g (north slope of Acropolis). 138 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city The only piece of body armour from the area of Amphipolis is a bronze pilos helmet (chance ind, north section of the ancient city, west of the Acropolis, Site Gouvia Fig. 14, no. 3, acc. no. 37, height 20,1cm, diameter 22,6-20,9 cm, Fig. 21). Its conical, raised crown slightly protruding from a vertical brim follows the morphology of fourth century examples. One side is slightly deformed with cracks and small pieces missing, while a diagonal crack from the brim to the peak of the crown may have came from a blow. Two holes (diam. c. 1 cm) on each side secured riveted cheek-pieces; there is no sign that a crest was atached. Its wide adoption by hoplite armies of various states, including Athens and Macedon, both active in the Strymon area throughout this period, does not allow associations with a speciic event or army35. A “Thracian” helmet is depicted in relief on a lead seal (P750, chance ind, Fig. 22). Its raised bell-shaped crown is reinforced with a repousse forehead-guard and a horizontally protruding brim; crenellated cheek-pieces are atached36. It clearly reproduces the reverse coin types of silver autonomous Macedonian issues (tetrobols, 185-168 BC) under the reigns of Philip V and Perseus.37 It was found together with a lead seal bearing in relief the legend BA Fig. 14. Map of Amphipolis. 1 - western section of the north walls, wooden bridge, gates B and C (site Parages); 2 - house complex (sites Kyprianidou and Ioannides); 3 - site Gouvia; 4 - ancient Gymnasium; 5 - Eastern cemetery; 6 - Byzantine tower of Marmarion (site Pyrgos). 35 36 37 Closest parallels of the helmet Richter 1915, no. 1540; Dintsis 1986, Taf. 22, no. 3; Plug 1989, no. 17. A discussion of the type Dintsis 1986, 57-85; Plug 1989, 22-3; Everson 2004, 136; Anderson 1970, 29-37. On “Thracian” helmets see Dintsis 1986, 113-33 (he names the type “Pseudo-Atic”); Plug 1989, 24-7 (as Atic); Everson 2004, 136; Snodgrass 1967, 95. Bret 1955, cf. no.724 (mint Amphipolis) ; Grose 1926, pl. 136, nos. 11-12 ; SNG Cop., Vol.II, Mac., nos. 1282, 1288. See also Dintsis 1986, Taf. 30, nos. 7, 8 and p. 70 (Pilos/Konos Category). 139 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou and sword, a frequent reverse type on bronze coins of Philip V (220-179 BC) and Perseus (179168 BC)38. The helmet, however, deviates from numismatic parallels in its relief decoration; traces of a head in proile to right wearing a possibly Phrygian helmet are apparent (Fig. 23). It is tempting to associate the head with that of the hero Perseus in winged Phrygian cap, which occurs on silver and bronze coins of Philip V and Perseus39. In this case the helmet on the seal employs the same symbolism with its counterparts on coins; a symbol of military tradition and supremacy, a necessary psychological and “nationalistic” strengthening, given the military preparations for the forthcoming war with Rome40. The addition of Perseus’ image, if that is the case, explicitly associated through coinage with Philip V and Perseus and easily recognizable, functions as a symbol of royal status. Thus an image, which would be widely disseminated, represented the two sources of power in the Macedonian state: the royal house and the army. The use of images with intelligible military and political connotations may be seen in two shield-shaped plaques made of gilded terracota, which bear a twelve-rayed star in relief within doted border (Eastern Cemetery, Section B, Tomb 66, 4th century BC, no. 4230, diam. Fig. 15. Iron arrowhead, D56, Site Kyprianidou. Fig. 16. Bronze arrowhead, 6.10.77, Site Parages, section V. Fig. 17. Bronze arrowhead, D23, Site Kyprianidou, section X. Fig. 18. Bronze arrowhead, no. 4270, Eastern cemetery, tomb 87. Fig. 19. Bronze arrowhead, Site Parages, section VII. 38 39 40 Fig. 20. Bronze arrowheads, nos. 3396, 3392, Gymnasium. Touratsoglou 1993, pl. IV, nos. 8-9 (under Philip V) ; SNG Cop., Vol.II, no. 1281 and Grose 1926, pl. 137, nos. 5-6 (under Perseus). Cf. Grose 1926, Philip V nos. 3635-3636 (AR tetradrachms), 3642-3643 (Bronzes), Perseus nos. 3677 -3680 (bronzes). Touratsoglou 1993, 39 note 23 (Philip’s V policy). 140 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city 1 cm, Fig. 24). The star or sun symbol evokes the royal Macedonian house through its established use by successive kings and its role in the dynastyś foundation noted by Herodotus. It also alludes to the army through its frequent use as an emblem on Macedonian shields. In our case, it is carried by a decorative element on clothing41. Not a collective but a private statement of military status is illustrated made on the marble relief stele L119 (handed over to the museum; height: 75 cm, width: 73 cm, Fig. 25). Hellenistic period; third-second centuries BC. On the let, an armed male igure is standing before an altar holding a phiale. He is dressed in a short chiton, shoulder-piece cuirass and chlamys. Visible is the right shoulder-piece (επωμις) fastened by laces to the chest. The torso plates extend to the waist, where two sets of pteryges are adjusted, the lower reaching the middle thigh. Short pteryges are also atached to the shoulder-pieces for additional protection of the upper arm. The cuirass is fastened at the waist with a belt forming a “Heracles’ knot” (Ηράκλειον άμμα), indicative of its high position in the hierarchy of the army. On the right, his atendant is depicted in a smaller scale walking by his master’s horse. The theme, as Hatzopoulos notes, is known from a stele from Kellion and a relief sarcophagus from Beroia (c. 200 BC) and may refer to the 1: 1 ratio of horsemen to their atendants established since the fourth century BC. The atendant wears a “Thracian” helmet reinforced with a ridge on the crown and carries his master’s round, lat shield of Celtic type. The ridge on helmets for extra protection against downwards blows and the Celtic shield, which were adopted by Greek cavalry forces ater the Celtic invasions, point to a date ater c. 275 BC. Similar shields are carried by Macedonian cavalrymen on a frieze slab from the monument of Aemilius Paulus at Delphi and a funerary stele from Kalindoia. Cavalry was an indispensable part of Hellenistic warfare as is atested by the populus ίλαι in service and a corps of Amphipolitan cavalrymen was already active in Alexander’s III time42. The marble statue of a Macedonian armed in the same fashion was unearthed in the earth illing of a building complex (Ioannides property, Fig. 14, no. 2, L. 537, H. 1,60 m. Late fourththird centuries BC (Fig. 26). His head, right arm and leg below the knee are missing. He is depicted standing, wearing a short chiton, shoulder-piece cuirass and a chlamys wrapped around his let arm and covering his right leg and waist. His “Thracian” helmet is placed on the ground Fig. 21. Pilos helmet, acc. no. 37, chance ind, site Goubia. 41 42 Fig. 22. Lead seal, chance ind, P750. Tsigarida 1997, 363-9; Themelis and Touratsoglou 1997, 55 no. A19; Adam-Veleni 1993,18-28; Pantermalis 2000, xix-xxi. Discussion of the stele and parallels: Hatzopoulos 2001, 53-4, pl. IIIa, b. The monument of Aemilius Paulus, Kleiner 1992, 27-8, ig. 5 (the slab in the middle). On Thracian helmets see note 35. For close parallels of this helmet see Dintsis 1986, Taf. 55, nos. 2-3; Choremis 1981, ig. 8. On shoulder-piece cuirasses Snodgrass 1967, 90-1; Everson 2004, 145-59, 165, 193-5, 198-9 (on cavalry and Celtic shields). For the representations and duties of atendants see Anderson 1970, 29-30; van Wees 2004, 68-71. For the Amphipolitan cavalrymen see Lazaridis 1972, 16; Lorber 1990, 8; Hammond and Griith 1979, 352-3. 141 !!! Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou by his let leg. Pteryges are atached to the shoulder-pieces and to the lower part of the torso plates, where the upper set of pteryges is scarcely distinguishable under the folds of the chlamys. The pteryges of the lower set, broader, shorter and less dense than those of the cuirassed oicer of L119, point to an earlier model of the type43. The signiicance of the army for monarchical regimes, such as the Hellenistic kingdoms, and the necessity of its healthy state, particularly in turbulent periods, are evident in Philip’s V military diagramma from Amphipolis. Its content, Pan-Macedonian scope and regulative tone regarding military afairs have already been the subject of many studies and need no further analysis here. However, a few points should be stressed. First of all, apart from illustrating the organisation of the army, it implicitly demonstrates the degree of absolutism in the royal control over military life. Political and military power was interwoven, with the former being achieved and retained through the later. With regard to arms and armour, the imposition of ines for speciic pieces is of particular interest. Further to pointing the state as supplier of all equipment, it reveals that all orthodox hoplite arms were in use despite variations in quality by hierarchical grade. The previous lightening of infantry armour had been superseded by a retrograde favour for heavily armed soldiers44. Of military, but rather obscure character is a set of six miniature plaques made of gilded terracota in the shape of nude male igures carrying shields in equal number (no. 4455, Eastern Cemetery, Section B, Tomb 130. Height of igures 4,3 cm, diameter of shields 9 mm, Fig. 27). Their posture is identical, with the let arm extended forwards evidently bearing the shield and the right arm bent at the waist. Their projecting let leg denotes a captured moment of action, not of running though, since such a movement with both let arm and let leg extended would be unnatural. They are represented in front and back views, thus allowing three possible reconstructions of their principal arrangement: in three couples of confronting men or in two groups of three men each, either a) confronting or b) separating. Their nudity Fig. 23. Detail of ig. 22. Male head in right proile; in relief. Fig. 24. Two shield shaped plaques, Eastern cemetery, section B, Tomb 66. Fig. 27. Set of six miniature plaques; nude male igures bearing shields, Eastern Cemetery, no. 4455, Section B,Tomb 130. Photo taken by S. Stournaras. 43 44 For “Thracian” helmets and shoulder-piece cuirasses see notes 35 and 42 respectively. Analysis of various aspects of Philip’s V diagramma see Koukouli-Chrysanthaki 1977; Hatzopoulos 1996, Vol. I, 396, 423, 453-6 (with analysis of Philip’s army), 459-60 and Vol. II epigraphic appendix no. 12; Welles 1938, 245-60; Roussel in RA 3 (1933), 39-47; Feyel in RA 5 (1935), 29-68; Juhel 2002, 402-12; Everson 2004, 193-5. On the increase of infantry equipment during the 3d century see Gerson 1981, 1. On kings, war and their army see Austin 1986, 450-66. 142 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city could accordingly be viewed from three perspectives; as heroic, athletic or simply artistic. There is no sign that a weapon was atached to their right hands. Considering that they were decorative elements either of clothing covering the thorax of the diseased or of a diadem placed there, it is possible that the weapons were atached as separate pieces. The position of their bodies as already noted makes the current interpretation of them as hoplitodromoi (armed hoplites in a running race) less than plausible. However, their nudity and their shields could invoke a discipline of military character within an athletic context. Two possible interpretations are suggested here; either they represent youths under training or competing in hoplomachia Fig. 25. Marble relief stele, L119. Fig. 26. Marble statue, L537. Fig. 28. Marble statue, L62. 143 Elpida Kosmidou and Dimitria Malamidou (use of shield and spear) and in this case the set should be reconstructed as confronting groups or couples, or they perform a pyrrhic dance, mimicking combat action in armour to the sound of lutes; in this case the third reconstruction remains open. Both practices were in use and constituted part of the athletic and military training of the ephebes. The context of the grave suggests a date in the last third of the fourth-early third centuries BC and that the buried was of pre-pubertal age. A wreath that was found on the head perhaps places the dead among the winners in such contests taken place in Amphipolis45. In the Roman imperial period, arms and armour were explicitly used as tokens of both private prestige and state propaganda through a martial, triumphal repertoire. This applies to the cuirass of the marble statue L62 (H. 92 cm, W. 50 cm, Fig. 28; built into the wall of a Byzantine tower, Site Pyrgos Fig. 14, no. 6). The only preserved parts of the statue are the thighs and torso, the surface of which is in places worn with missing pieces. The cuirass presents no major deviations from cuirasses of this kind worn by high rank military igures, notably cavalry oicers and emperors. It is of the muscle type with anatomical waist line, to which a set of overlapping, tongue-shaped pteryges is atached. The decorative scene in high relief is explicitly victorious; a pair of Victories sacriicing bulls lanks a trophy of arms. Two captives are seated at its base bound with their arms resting on the ground. Every component of the scene is an autonomous account of victory and as a synthesis the symbolism is reinforced; commemoration of military triumph and supremacy. Both Nikae sacriicing bulls and trophies iconographically marked military success already from the fourth century BC. Images of trophies had the same psychological efect as their real-life counterparts in batleields; constant reminders to the enemies of their defeat. The cuirass on our trophy is not preserved, but the helmet is clearly of the pilos type. Considering the garments of the captives as well as their “Phrygian” (?) caps, the whole scene denotes victory over eastern nations. Above the trophy, a gorgoneion, badly preserved, served as an apotropaic device46. The inds examined for the purposes of this paper indicate a preponderance of arms from the late ith and fourth centuries BC over other eras. A rise in numbers throughout this period not only conforms to the increased military activity in the area as recorded in the literary sources; it also echoes changes in warfare practises, notably the increasing use of light armed troops. The traces of military activity prior to the foundation of Amphipolis or in the Roman era remain scarce. With regard to the later, the absence of arms from excavated Roman layers is intriguing; especially if one considers that those layers bear signs of destruction that comply with relevant literary accounts. However, much in these observations is provisional on broader excavation of the ancient city, less than one third of which has been unearthed to date. Elpida Kosmidou University College London Institute of Archaeology, 31-34 Gordon Square GB-LONDON WC1H 0PY e.kosmidou@ucl.ac.uk 45 46 Dr. Dimitria Malamidou 18th Ephorate of Antiquities of Kavala Er. Stavrou 17, 651 10 Kavala, Greece d.malamidou@free.fr The closest parallel of no. 4455 is D22 (Hellenistic cemetery of Amphipolis, Tomb 240) now at the museum of Kavala. See Lazaridis 1997, ig. 74. However, the male igures of D22 considerably difer from our example; they wear helmets and greaves and carry swords. Their current interpretation as hoplitodromoi should be reconsidered given their posture and identical relief scenes which admitedly depict pyrrhists (for example Ridgway 2002, pl. 104, a neo-atic base with pyrrhists). On military training with references to pyrrhic dances, races in arms and hoplomachia see Chaniotis 2005, 46-51; Anderson 1970, 24-5; van Wees 2004, 89-92; Hanson 1991, 29-30. PAE 1976, 90, pl. 58b. On pilos helmets see note 35. On trophies generally Chaniotis 2005, 233-5; van Wees 2004, 136-7. On Nikae and trophies Nike-Victoria on coins and Medals, Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Numismatic Museum, 2004, 41, 52, 73. For Nikae sacriicing bulls and gorgoneia see Kleiner 1992, 209 and ig. 173 (cuirassed statue of Trajan). 144 Arms and Armour from Amphipolis, Northern Greece. Ploting the military life of an ancient city Abbreviations AAA AE AEMTH AJA AM 1988 BSA CQ MNG Olynthus X PAE RA SNG Cop. 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